viernes, 23 de noviembre de 2012

El Pibe Carlitos

EL PAIS › UNA INVESTIGACION CRIMINALISTICA DIO POR PRIMERA VEZ CON EL PRONTUARIO DE CARLOS GARDEL

El Pibe Carlitos

El prontuario lo sindica como “estafador por medio del cuento del tío”. Una comparación de huellas certifica que el documento es real. Los investigadores concluyen que los cambios de identidad y de lugar de nacimiento intentaban eludir los antecedentes policiales.
 Por Raúl Kollmann
Una investigación criminalística revela por primera vez el prontuario real de Carlos Gardel, en el que aparece con el alias del “El pibe Carlitos” y con antecedentes de “estafador por medio del cuento del tío”. El facsímil al que accedió este diario (nadie sabe quién tiene el original) es del 18 de agosto de 1915 y se trata de un magnífico descubrimiento: Gardel había logrado, por orden del presidente Marcelo T. de Alvear, la destrucción de sus prontuarios, pero en la provincia de Buenos Aires alguien logró conservar dos: el que se conoce ahora y uno de 1904, cuando Gardel era chico y se fugó del hogar. Los forenses Raúl Torre y Juan José Fenoglio compararon las huellas digitales de 1904, las de 1915 y las de un posterior expediente de 1923, con la utilización de la tecnología más moderna que existe en el mundo, el AFIS. Se determinó así que se trata siempre de la misma persona. Y lo significativo es que en 1904, cuando lo busca su madre y no había razón para mentir, los datos filiatorios son Carlos Gardez, nacido en 1990 en Tolosa (Toulouse), Francia.

El cuento del tío

La modalidad del cuento del tío era una variante de estafa bastante habitual en aquella época. Consistía en que una persona, que ingresaba a un bar varias veces a lo largo de un par de semanas, exhibía documentación de que justo recibió una enorme herencia de un tío, por ejemplo, en Salta. Sin embargo, el problema era –según el cuentista– que no tenía dinero para viajar a esa provincia y pagarse el alojamiento. También se lo llamaba el cuento del chacarero, porque solían ser víctimas personas del interior, recién llegadas a Capital. Lo que se hacía era firmar una especie de acuerdo por el cual el cuentista cedía parte de su herencia y la víctima aportaba el dinero para el viaje, un hotel y, a veces, los gastos de abogado. Algo así como entre 1500 y 5000 pesos de la actualidad. En algunas ocasiones, el cuentista tenía un cómplice que fingía competir con la víctima por quedarse con el “negocio”. Como es obvio, al final de la historia el cuentista y su cómplice desaparecían. Desde el punto de vista legal, el delito era de estafa, como figura en el prontuario de Gardel.

El prontuario

Torre explica que para una figura estelar como Gardel, el prontuario de estafador era fuego puro. Más en aquella época. Tal vez por eso, la identidad del cantante es una mentira permanente.
- En 1904 es Carlos Gardez, nacido en Toulouse, hijo únicamente de Berta Gardez. Es muy probable que el policía que hizo el expediente se haya equivocado poniendo una zeta en lugar de la ese, que era el verdadero apellido de Berta.
- En 1915 es Carlos Gardel, hijo de Carlos Gardel (una persona inexistente) y Berta Gardel (también inexistente, es Gardés), nacido en La Plata, una clara mentira.
- El 8 de octubre de 1923 necesitó sacar pasaporte para su gira al exterior. El coleccionista Hamlet Peluso aportó el original, incluyendo la huella digital. Para conseguir ese pasaporte, Gardel se presentó en el consulado uruguayo y dijo que era nacido en Tacuarembó en 1887, hijo de Carlos y Berta Gardel.
- En 1933, Gardel redacta su testamento, donde dice textualmente “soy francés, nacido en Toulouse el 11 de diciembre de 1890 y soy hijo de Berthe Gardés. Hago constar expresamente que mi verdadero nombre y apellido son Carlos Romualdo Gardel”.
“Tanto cambio de identidad –dice Torre– me hace pensar en lo mucho que pesó aquel prontuario de estafador.”

Rompiendo papeles

Por lo que se sabe, Gardel cantaba de muy joven en los comités conservadores de Avellaneda, uno de los centros productivos más importantes de la Argentina. “Tenía afinidad –cuenta Torre– con Juan Ruggiero, Ruggerito, matón al servicio de los conservadores. Y quien dominaba la escena era el caudillo conservador Alberto Barceló. Se cuenta que en 1922 Barceló le pide al presidente Alvear que solucione el problema del prontuario de Gardel. Y, a pedido del presidente, se rompe el prontuario que el cantante tenía en la Policía Federal. Esta fuerza le pidió igualmente el prontuario a la Bonaerense, también para romperlo, pero se ve que quedó una copia. La poetisa de tangos e investigadora Martina Iñíguez encontró hace pocos días una copia del prontuario de 1915, constituido para que Gardel sacara la cédula de identidad. Todo rastro de ese prontuario estaba perdido y ahora apareció. La Bonaerense le preguntó a la Federal si Gardel tenía antecedentes y el 18 de agosto de ese año la Policía de Buenos Aires (así se llamaba entonces) contesta en la última página que Gardel “es conocido con el apodo del Pibe Carlitos y sindicado como estafador por medio del cuento del tío”.

¿Socio?

Un dato curioso surge de buena parte de las primeras composiciones cantadas por Gardel. Su autor era Andrés Cepeda, al que le decían “el poeta de la prisión”. Es que Cepeda pasó muchísimos años de su vida preso y terminó muriendo en una pelea de guapos en el bajo porteño. Compuso numerosas letras luego cantadas por el dúo Gardel-Razzano. En los prontuarios revisados por Torre, también Cepeda figura como estafador en la modalidad de cuento del tío. Todo hace pensar que ambos compartieron correrías.
Una hipótesis es que haya compartido cárcel o detenciones en comisarías. Torre sostiene que en aquel entonces se separaba nítidamente a los delincuentes en las prisiones. Estaban los de la “pesada”, que se refería a los que cometían delitos con armas, y se los llamaba así porque portaban calibre 45, un arma muy pesada en la época. Los de la “liviana” eran los estafadores. Eso hace pensar que Cepeda y Gardel o andaban juntos en el cuento del tío o compartieron lugares de detención.

El mismo

Torre y Fenoglio compararon las huellas dactilares de la fuga del hogar de 1904; el prontuario de 1915 y el pasaporte de 1923, en los que aparece un hombre de distinta edad, distintos padres y nacido en distintos lugares. El trabajo se hizo en la Dirección General de Policía Científica y se procesó en el AFIS, Automated Fingerprints Identification System, en castellano Sistema Automático de Identificación de Huellas Digitales. Se trata de un software que convierte la huella en una figura tridimensional y hace la comparación. Es imposible encontrar dos personas con las mismas huellas digitales. La computadora sentenció que las huellas arrojaban correspondencia absoluta.
Para asegurar aún más lo investigado, Torre y Fenoglio hicieron un proceso de cotejo manual, en el cual constataron la existencia de 18 puntos característicos en todas las huellas digitales. Jurisprudencialmente sólo hacen falta 12 coincidencias para que un resultado de identidad de persona sea incuestionable.
Redondeando toda la pesquisa, los criminalistas compararon también las firmas de los prontuarios con la del testamento de 1933 y determinaron que también existe coincidencia total.

Toulouse

Más allá de otros elementos existentes, hay detalles que surgen de la gestión de los propios documentos que dejan rastros sobre el nacimiento de Gardel.
- En 1904 es la madre quien lo identifica porque se trataba de una fuga del hogar.
- En 1915, cuando dice que nació en La Plata, el jefe de la Policía de la capital bonaerense era Cristino Benavides y es quien le sale de testigo para sacar la cédula. Pero, además, da como domicilio Calle 2 número 20-13, justito frente a la Jefatura de la Policía. Todo es obviamente falso.
- En 1923, cuando saca el pasaporte, el único elemento que le aporta al consulado oriental para decir que nació en Tacuarembó son dos testigos uruguayos.
- En 1933, en su testamento ratifica que nació en Toulouse, Francia.
Se ha dicho que la falsedad en la identificación de Gardel se origina en que, al haber nacido en Francia, era desertor, porque debió combatir en la Primera Guerra Mundial. Quienes investigaron el tema sostienen que los países europeos convocaban a incorporarse a las filas a todos sus ciudadanos, pero que no hubo persecución de quienes estaban fuera de sus países. “No tenga dudas de que los cambios de identidad de Gardel tienen que ver con sus antecedentes en el delito –insiste Torres–. Cambiaba una letra, lugar de nacimiento, para que no surgiera que era el mismo que figuraba como El Pibe Carlitos, estafador por medio del cuento del tío.”
Facsímil del prontuario de la Policía Bonaerense de 1915. En la carátula figura el alias de “El Pibe Carlitos”. En la última página consta el informe de la Policía Federal sobre sus antecedentes.
Ficha del legajo instruido tras la fuga de su hogar, en 1904. Tenía 13 años y seis meses. Figura como Carlos Gardez.
Arriba, las huellas del prontuario policial de 1904 y el documento expedido por la Policía Federal en 1923. Abajo, el estudio comparativo entre ellas.
Recortes de diarios de la época con información sobre las actividades delictivas de Cepeda y su muerte en una pelea.

jueves, 1 de noviembre de 2012

El MIT premió el talento de nueve jóvenes argentinos

 

POR MARCELO BELLUCCI

Es la primera vez que el prestigioso instituto de EE.UU. reconoce el trabajo local. Los eligió por sus innovaciones en ciencia y tecnología: del combate de enfermedades parasitarias a la nanotecnología.

Sonrisas. Delante, cinco premiados (de izq. a der.): Fernando Rivero, Marcelo Martí, Rebeca Hwang, Nadim Morhell y Krikor Attarian. Detrás, Pedro Moneo y José Gómez-Márquez. Hernan Rojas

31/10/12 | Clarin.com
Por primera vez, el Instituto Tecnológico de Massachusetts (MIT), a través de su revista Technology Review en español, reconoció con su premio TR35 a los diez innovadores en ciencia y tecnología más destacados de Argentina y Uruguay.
Nueve de los favorecidos –elegidos entre más de 180 postulantes– son locales.
Todos menores de 35 años.
Los ganadores globales de los TR35 fueron mentes que iluminaron el mundo con sus ideas . Este club de elite lo integran Sergey Brin y Larry Page, de Google; Mark Zuckerberg, de Facebook; Jack Dorsey, de Twitter; y Linus Torvalds, de Linux, entre otros.
“Nuestra labor consiste en buscar gente con potencial y detectarlos a una edad temprana . Ponerlos en contacto entre sí y hacerlos visibles para la sociedad”, cuenta Pedro Moneo, editor de la revistaTechnology Review en español. Y agrega: “En pocos años, los ganadores de habla hispana constituirán la comunidad TR35 más destacada gracias al talento que se desarrolla en la región”. Entre ellos se cuenta el hondureño José Gómez-Márquez, que en 2009 fue proclamado “humanitario del año” por la revista del MIT por haber desarrollado instrumental médico para países en desarrollo.
Gómez-Márquez estuvo ayer en la entrega de premios, celebrada en el Instituto Tecnológico de Buenos Aires, donde además se otorgaron dos reconocimientos especiales. Mariano Nuñez, ingeniero de sistemas, obtuvo el premio Innovador del Año por el desarrollo de un sistema de protección informático: según explica, el mayor impacto social de su innovación es que permitirá minimizar los ciberataques a sistemas esenciales en la vida cotidiana de millones de personas .
El otro premio especial, al Innovador Solidario del Año, fue para Fernando David Rivero por su investigación y desarrollo de nuevos métodos para erradicar enfermedades parasitarias . Según miembros del jurado, el trabajo de este joven científico de 32 años no sólo tiene repercusión en el desarrollo de vacunas sino que resuelve efectivamente problemas de salud de gran impacto social y económico, con elementos de gran relevancia científica, innovación y osadía.
En lo que se podría interpretar como una actualización de la frase“genio no se nace, se hace” , el biólogo argentino experto en biotecnología Marcelo Martí cuenta que “las ideas se pagan 1 peso y llevarlas adelante cuesta 99” . Y en referencia a esta oportunidad, comenta: “Mi vida gira en torno a la ciencia dura, dentro de un laboratorio. Poder vincularte con colegas que tengan una visión tan distinta del mundo no se da de forma natural. Acá podés ver como la ciencia se transforma en tecnología y la tecnología en servicio ”.
En cambio, por la cabeza de Nadim Morhell, doctorado en Física que trabaja en el Instituto Balseiro, no pasa si sus chips de nanotecnología para medir la viscosidad sanguínea son sustentables, “sino que estos equipos de diagnóstico, que son más accesibles para todos los hospitales, se puedan fabricar en el país fácilmente”.
El MIT, creado hace 151 años en Cambridge (Massachusetts), tiene 76 premios Nobel entre sus egresados y profesores, y es uno de los institutos de educación superior más prestigiosos del mundo.

The Free Market Can Do a Better Job

Russell S. Sobel
Russell S. Sobel, a visiting scholar in entrepreneurship in the School of Business Administration at The Citadel, has published academic articles on the economics of FEMA.
UPDATED OCTOBER 31, 2012, 4:34 AM | NYTIMES.com
After FEMA’s troubling responses to Hurricanes Katrina, Hugo and Andrew, and the Northridge earthquakes, some hoped that reforms would improve the agency’s disaster response. Centuries of economics research suggests otherwise. Put simply, if FEMA continues to centrally plan the economies of disaster areas, it is bound to fail. Economists from Adam Smith to Friedrich Hayek to Milton Friedman have stressed the inherent problems in central planning.
Fixing disaster relief is simple: greater use of decentralized markets, and focusing government on its proper role. Government best supports the market system in normal times by providing law and order, contract enforcement, and major public works projects. The proper role of government after disasters is no different. 
Government disaster response should focus on: restoring law and order and protecting the life and property of citizens; providing emergency services; and quickly restoring infrastructure to open the channels of trade.
A FEMA that established free trade zones -- in which all normal regulations, licensing and taxes were suspended, and in which buyers and sellers felt secure and protected -- would better provide the goods and services victims need.
While the trading floor of the Chicago Board of Trade, which coordinates millions of commodity exchanges a day, seems chaotic, it works to connect buyers in need with sellers who can supply. By renting the trading floor and using the exchange, supplies and services would be better allocated to disaster victims than they are now by FEMA. Such mechanisms simply work better to make the best use of widely dispersed local knowledge in the economy.
In addition to private for-profit activities, the private nonprofit sector should be allowed to play a greater role too. Private nonprofits, like churches and other relief organizations, simply deliver relief more effectively.
Government should stick to what it does best, and creating a distribution network overnight superior to Wal-Mart’s isn’t it. After a disaster, government is and must be a productive and important part of the process — just as it is every day in our economy — by ensuring the presence of the two things decentralized markets need to work effectively: unregulated prices and secure property rights.

Por mes y medio, investigadores siguieron a 'Mi Sangre' por restaurantes argentinos

El general José Roberto León Riaño, director de la Policía Nacional, dio detalles sobre la detención de Henry de Jesús López Londoño, quien era el jefe máximo de 'los Urabeños'
Por: Elpaís.com.co | Resumen de agenciasMiércoles, Octubre 31, 2012 - 9:05 a.m

Después de una paciente labor de seguimiento y control, que significó la infiltración de sus esquemas de seguridad, la administración de fuentes humanas, el monitoreo electrónico de las comunicaciones de su círculo más cercano y el rastreo satelital de los vehículos que utilizaba, fue capturado en Buenos Aires Henry de Jesús López Londoño, alias Mi Sangre.
También conocido como 'Carlos Mario' o 'Salvador', López Londoño era el actual cabecilla de la banda criminal 'los Urabeños' y de la 'Oficina de Envigado'. Se había refugiado en el sector de Nordelta, en la capital argentina, en donde estaba con su esposa, Janeth Valencia, sus dos hijos y uno de sus guardaespaldas.
Las autoridades argentinas capturaron a 'Mi Sangre', de 41 años y oriundo de Medellín, cuando llegaba en una automóvil a un restaurante de Buenos Aires. Los seguimientos al narco comenzaron hace mes y medio, cuando investigadores de la Dijín de la Policía colombiana, con apoyo de Argentina, lo rastrearon especialmente durante sus frecuentes visitas a restaurantes.
La detención fue confirmada en la noche del martes por el presidente Juan Manuel Santos, quien publicó en su cuenta de Twitter: "Felicitamos a la Policía de Colombia y agradecemos a las autoridades de Argentina por la captura de alias Mi Sangre. Otro golpe a bacrim y narcotráfico".
Según el general José Roberto León Riaño, director de la Policía Nacional, 'Mi Sangre' se movía entre seis inmuebles diferentes y utilizaba vehículos blindados y polarizados de alta gama, siempre acompañado por un individuo conocido con el alias de Jorge. No repetía sus sitios de reunión.
"La trayectoria criminal de alias Mi Sangre comenzó en la década de 1990 en una alianza con Diego Fernando Murillo, alias Don Berna, y después con Carlos Castaño y Miguel Arroyave, en los Llanos Orientales", dijo el general León Riaño.
De acuerdo con el oficial, 'Mi Sangre' se movía en siete países, entre los que están Paraguay, Brasil, Venezuela, Panamá y Argentina, de todos los cuales tenía pasaportes. "Se pudo establecer que estaba adelantando trámites para intentar establecerse en Ecuador", agregó León Riaño.
Sus constantes desplazamientos fueron parte de las dificultades para detenerlo. A Argentina llegó por primera vez hace dos años y allí se hacía pasar como un empresario venezolano.
'Mi Sangre', aliado de los hermanos Úsuga y de alias 'Valenciano', se había reunido minutos antes de su captura con emisarios de la mafia mexicana, particularmente del cartel de Los Zetas. De esa organización criminal, López Londoño se había convertido en el mayor proveedor de estupefacientes.
"Ese poder que había adquirido le permitió retomar las zonas hasta hace poco controladas por la banda criminal de 'los Rastrojos' y externder su dominio sobre la 'Oficina de Envigado'", añadió el general León Riaño.
El director de la Policía también confirmó que 'Mi Sangre' es requerido por la justicia colombiana y por una corte del Distrito Sur de La Florida (Estados Unidos). "Tiene pedido de extradición, pero se está coordinando con las autoridades argentinas todo lo relacionado con su traslado", dijo. En Colombia, tiene órdenes de captura por los delitos de concierto para delinquir agravado y terrorismo.
Como es requerido en Estados Unidos, aún no se sabe si el exjefe de 'los Urabeños' será deportado a Colombia o trasladado al país norteamericano.
La captura, ejecutada en el marco de la operación 'Tierra de Fuego', se produjo como resultado de la colaboración de las autoridades de Argentina, la Agencia Antidrogas de Estados Unidos (DEA), la Fiscalía General de la Nación y la Policía Nacional, a través de la Dirección de Investigación Criminal e Interpol (Dijín). Al informante que colaboró con las autoridades se le pagará una recompensa de $1.200 millones.
"El mensaje es claro: en Colombia y en cualquier país del mundo es cada vez más reducido el espacio que les queda a los criminales. Y la Policía empleará todas sus capacidades para capturarlos, sin importar quién quede de cabecilla o qué alias tenga", advirtió el director de la Policía.


Paraguay: campesinos se encadenan a los árboles

  – mié, 31 oct 2012
ASUNCION, Paraguay (AP) — Tres campesinos se encadenaron el miércoles a los árboles de una plaza enfrente del Congreso en la capital paraguaya en reclamo de la expropiación de 15.000 hectáreas de una reserva forestal actualmente propiedad de un productor brasileño de soja.
Federico Ayala, líder de la organización de campesinos Santa Lucía del departamento Alto Paraná, a 350 kilómetros al este de Asunción, dijo en guaraní en entrevista con The Associated Press que "el encadenamiento de tres compañeros es el comienzo de medidas más duras para que el gobierno del presidente Federico Franco nos dé tierras para vivir dignamente".
Especificó que "el anterior gobierno de (Fernando) Lugo (destituido por un juicio político en junio) hizo una mensura en la enorme propiedad de soja de (el brasileño Tranquilo) Favero en la localidad Ñacunday y encontró un excedente de 15.000 hectáreas".
Favero, brasileño nacionalizado paraguayo, es el principal productor de soja con 35.000 hectáreas cultivadas, según la Coordinadora Agrícola del Paraguay.
"Mientras se tramitaba la expropiación del excedente en las cercanías de la reserva forestal de Favero, Lugo nos ayudó a las 2.600 personas pobres con hospitales y escuelas móviles instalando consultorios y aulas bajo carpas... El gobierno de Franco dice que sólo encontró 4.000 hectáreas de excedente pero no las expropiará porque, supuestamente, están en orden", explicó.
Ayala, sentado en una precaria silla en la Plaza de Armas, advirtió que si Franco "no resuelve nuestro problema en las próximas horas, los compañeros encadenados iniciarán una huelga de hambre asumiendo todas las consecuencias de la medida".
En tanto, Luis Ortigoza, director de la estatal oficina de Tierras y Desarrollo Rural, anunció en conferencia de prensa que "antes de otorgar más terrenos comprados del sector privado, vamos a realizar un censo nacional de las colonias instaladas en propiedades entregadas por los anteriores gobiernos".
"Una vez que tengamos la lista de individuos que ya fueron beneficiados con la reforma agraria, analizaremos los nuevos pedidos", acotó.
El gobierno de Lugo informó que en Paraguay existen 87.000 familias campesinas sin tierra.
La lucha por un pedazo de terreno llegó a su punto de máxima ebullición el 15 de junio cuando en un enfrentamiento armado entre policías y campesinos en el interior de una reserva forestal murieron ocho agentes y nueve labriegos.

REPORT: Kim Jong-un Ordered Execution By Mortar Round


Joshua Berlinger | Oct. 24, 2012, 2:23 PM | 41,768 |
Since his father's sudden death, reports have surfaced that Kim Jong-un has been purging the North Korean military of "unsound elements" in order to tighten his grip on power. 
It's not a new policy; Kim Jong-il executed plenty of his father's advisors and dissenters after Kim Il-sung passed away in 1994.
What is new is that Kim Jong-un is using mortar rounds to execute individual officers instead of a firing squad, according to reports from South Korean media.
Kim Jong-un allegedly asked loyal officials to get rid of "anyone caught misbehaving during the mourning period for Kim Jong-il."
Kim Chol, the North Korean vice-defense minister, was reportedly caught "drinking and carousing" in January, a month after Kim Jong-il died.
Intelligence data submitted to the lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun, a member of the National Assembly’s Foreign Affairs, Trade and Unification Committee, claimed that Chol was executed by firing squad. 
But a source inside the South Korean government said that Kim Jong-un ordered those carrying out the sentence to leave  "no trace of him behind, down to his hair."
The source added that "the official was placed on the spot where the round would hit, and the grisly execution obliterated him."


The Island Where People Forget to Die


 

Andrea Frazzetta/LUZphoto for The New York Times

Stamatis Moraitis tending his vineyard and olive grove on Ikaria.
In 1943, a Greek war veteran named Stamatis Moraitis came to the United States for treatment of a combat-mangled arm. He’d survived a gunshot wound, escaped to Turkey and eventually talked his way onto the Queen Elizabeth, then serving as a troopship, to cross the Atlantic. Moraitis settled in Port Jefferson, N.Y., an enclave of countrymen from his native island, Ikaria. He quickly landed a job doing manual labor. Later, he moved to Boynton Beach, Fla. Along the way, Moraitis married a Greek-American woman, had three children and bought a three-bedroom house and a 1951 Chevrolet.

One day in 1976, Moraitis felt short of breath. Climbing stairs was a chore; he had to quit working midday. After X-rays, his doctor concluded that Moraitis had lung cancer. As he recalls, nine other doctors confirmed the diagnosis. They gave him nine months to live. He was in his mid-60s. Moraitis considered staying in America and seeking aggressive cancer treatment at a local hospital. That way, he could also be close to his adult children. But he decided instead to return to Ikaria, where he could be buried with his ancestors in a cemetery shaded by oak trees that overlooked the Aegean Sea. He figured a funeral in the United States would cost thousands, a traditional Ikarian one only $200, leaving more of his retirement savings for his wife, Elpiniki. Moraitis and Elpiniki moved in with his elderly parents, into a tiny, whitewashed house on two acres of stepped vineyards near Evdilos, on the north side of Ikaria. At first, he spent his days in bed, as his mother and wife tended to him. He reconnected with his faith. On Sunday mornings, he hobbled up the hill to a tiny Greek Orthodox chapel where his grandfather once served as a priest. When his childhood friends discovered that he had moved back, they started showing up every afternoon. They’d talk for hours, an activity that invariably involved a bottle or two of locally produced wine. I might as well die happy, he thought. 

In the ensuing months, something strange happened. He says he started to feel stronger. One day, feeling ambitious, he planted some vegetables in the garden. He didn’t expect to live to harvest them, but he enjoyed being in the sunshine, breathing the ocean air. Elpiniki could enjoy the fresh vegetables after he was gone. 

Six months came and went. Moraitis didn’t die. Instead, he reaped his garden and, feeling emboldened, cleaned up the family vineyard as well. Easing himself into the island routine, he woke up when he felt like it, worked in the vineyards until midafternoon, made himself lunch and then took a long nap. In the evenings, he often walked to the local tavern, where he played dominoes past midnight. The years passed. His health continued to improve. He added a couple of rooms to his parents’ home so his children could visit. He built up the vineyard until it produced 400 gallons of wine a year. Today, three and a half decades later, he’s 97 years old — according to an official document he disputes; he says he’s 102 — and cancer-free. He never went through chemotherapy, took drugs or sought therapy of any sort. All he did was move home to Ikaria. 

I met Moraitis on Ikaria this past July during one of my visits to explore the extraordinary longevity of the island’s residents. For a decade, with support from the National Geographic Society, I’ve been organizing a study of the places where people live longest. The project grew out of studies by my partners, Dr. Gianni Pes of the University of Sassari in Italy and Dr. Michel Poulain, a Belgian demographer. In 2000, they identified a region of Sardinia’s Nuoro province as the place with the highest concentration of male centenarians in the world. As they zeroed in on a cluster of villages high in Nuoro’s mountains, they drew a boundary in blue ink on a map and began referring to the area inside as the “blue zone.” Starting in 2002, we identified three other populations around the world where people live measurably longer lives than everyone else. The world’s longest-lived women are found on the island of Okinawa. On Costa Rica’s Nicoya Peninsula, we discovered a population of 100,000 mestizos with a lower-than-normal rate of middle-age mortality. And in Loma Linda, Calif., we identified a population of Seventh-day Adventists in which most of the adherents’ life expectancy exceeded the American average by about a decade.

In 2003, I started a consulting firm to see if it was possible to take what we were learning in the field and apply it to American communities. We also continued to do research and look for other pockets of longevity, and in 2008, following a lead from a Greek researcher, we began investigating Ikaria. Poulain’s plan there was to track down survivors born between 1900 and 1920 and determine when and where individuals died. The approach was complicated by the fact that people often moved around. That meant that not only were birth and death records required, but also information on immigration and emigration.
 
The data collection had to be rigorous. Earlier claims about long-lived people in places like Ecuador’s Vilcabamba Valley, Pakistan’s Hunza Valley or the Caucasus Mountains of Georgia had all been debunked after researchers discovered that many residents didn’t actually know their ages. For villagers born without birth certificates, it was easy to lose track. One year they were 80; a few months later they were 82. Pretty soon they claimed to be 100. And when a town discovers that a reputation for centenarians draws tourists, who’s going to question it? Even in Ikaria, the truth has been sometimes difficult to nail down. Stories like the one about Moraitis’s miraculous recovery become instant folklore, told and retold and changed and misattributed. (Stories about Moraitis have appeared on Greek TV.) In fact, when I was doing research there in 2009, I met a different man who told me virtually the exact same story about himself. 

The study would try to cut through the stories and establish the facts about Ikaria’s longevity. Before including subjects, Poulain cross-referenced birth records against baptism or military documentation. After gathering all the data, he and his colleagues at the University of Athens concluded that people on Ikaria were, in fact, reaching the age of 90 at two and a half times the rate Americans do. (Ikarian men in particular are nearly four times as likely as their American counterparts to reach 90, often in better health.) But more than that, they were also living about 8 to 10 years longer before succumbing to cancers and cardiovascular disease, and they suffered less depression and about a quarter the rate of dementia. Almost half of Americans 85 and older show signs of Alzheimer’s. (The Alzheimer’s Association estimates that dementia cost Americans some $200 billion in 2012.) On Ikaria, however, people have been managing to stay sharp to the end.

Ikaria, an island of 99 square miles and home to almost 10,000 Greek nationals, lies about 30 miles off the western coast of Turkey. Its jagged ridge of scrub-covered mountains rises steeply out of the Aegean Sea. Before the Christian era, the island was home to thick oak forests and productive vineyards. Its reputation as a health destination dates back 25 centuries, when Greeks traveled to the island to soak in the hot springs near Therma. In the 17th century, Joseph Georgirenes, the bishop of Ikaria, described its residents as proud people who slept on the ground. “The most commendable thing on this island,” he wrote, “is their air and water, both so healthful that people are very long-lived, it being an ordinary thing to see persons in it of 100 years of age.” 

Seeking to learn more about the island’s reputation for long-lived residents, I called on Dr. Ilias Leriadis, one of Ikaria’s few physicians, in 2009. On an outdoor patio at his weekend house, he set a table with Kalamata olives, hummus, heavy Ikarian bread and wine. “People stay up late here,” Leriadis said. “We wake up late and always take naps. I don’t even open my office until 11 a.m. because no one comes before then.” He took a sip of his wine. “Have you noticed that no one wears a watch here? No clock is working correctly. When you invite someone to lunch, they might come at 10 a.m. or 6 p.m. We simply don’t care about the clock here.” 

Pointing across the Aegean toward the neighboring island of Samos, he said: “Just 15 kilometers over there is a completely different world. There they are much more developed. There are high-rises and resorts and homes worth a million euros. In Samos, they care about money. Here, we don’t. For the many religious and cultural holidays, people pool their money and buy food and wine. If there is money left over, they give it to the poor. It’s not a ‘me’ place. It’s an ‘us’ place.”

Ikaria’s unusual past may explain its communal inclinations. The strong winds that buffet the island — mentioned in the “Iliad” — and the lack of natural harbors kept it outside the main shipping lanes for most of its history. This forced Ikaria to be self-sufficient. Then in the late 1940s, after the Greek Civil War, the government exiled thousands of Communists and radicals to the island. Nearly 40 percent of adults, many of them disillusioned with the high unemployment rate and the dwindling trickle of resources from Athens, still vote for the local Communist Party. About 75 percent of the population on Ikaria is under 65. The youngest adults, many of whom come home after college, often live in their parents’ home. They typically have to cobble together a living through small jobs and family support.

Leriadis also talked about local “mountain tea,” made from dried herbs endemic to the island, which is enjoyed as an end-of-the-day cocktail. He mentioned wild marjoram, sage (flaskomilia), a type of mint tea (fliskouni), rosemary and a drink made from boiling dandelion leaves and adding a little lemon. “People here think they’re drinking a comforting beverage, but they all double as medicine,” Leriadis said. Honey, too, is treated as a panacea. “They have types of honey here you won’t see anyplace else in the world,” he said. “They use it for everything from treating wounds to curing hangovers, or for treating influenza. Old people here will start their day with a spoonful of honey. They take it like medicine.”

Over the span of the next three days, I met some of Leriadis’s patients. In the area known as Raches, I met 20 people over 90 and one who claimed to be 104. I spoke to a 95-year-old man who still played the violin and a 98-year-old woman who ran a small hotel and played poker for money on the weekend.   

On a trip the year before, I visited a slate-roofed house built into the slope at the top of a hill. I had come here after hearing of a couple who had been married for more than 75 years. Thanasis and Eirini Karimalis both came to the door, clapped their hands at the thrill of having a visitor and waved me in. They each stood maybe five feet tall. He wore a shapeless cotton shirt and a battered baseball cap, and she wore a housedress with her hair in a bun. Inside, there was a table, a medieval-looking fireplace heating a blackened pot, a nook of a closet that held one woolen suit coat, and fading black-and-white photographs of forebears on a soot-stained wall. The place was warm and cozy. “Sit down,” Eirini commanded. She hadn’t even asked my name or business but was already setting out teacups and a plate of cookies. Meanwhile, Thanasis scooted back and forth across the house with nervous energy, tidying up.

The couple were born in a nearby village, they told me. They married in their early 20s and raised five children on Thanasis’s pay as a lumberjack. Like that of almost all of Ikaria’s traditional folk, their daily routine unfolded much the way Leriadis had described it: Wake naturally, work in the garden, have a late lunch, take a nap. At sunset, they either visited neighbors or neighbors visited them. Their diet was also typical: a breakfast of goat’s milk, wine, sage tea or coffee, honey and bread. Lunch was almost always beans (lentils, garbanzos), potatoes, greens (fennel, dandelion or a spinachlike green called horta) and whatever seasonal vegetables their garden produced; dinner was bread and goat’s milk. At Christmas and Easter, they would slaughter the family pig and enjoy small portions of larded pork for the next several months.

During a tour of their property, Thanasis and Eirini introduced their pigs to me by name. Just after sunset, after we returned to their home to have some tea, another old couple walked in, carrying a glass amphora of homemade wine. The four nonagenarians cheek-kissed one another heartily and settled in around the table. They gossiped, drank wine and occasionally erupted into laughter.

Dr. Ioanna Chinou, a professor at the University of Athens School of Pharmacy, is one of Europe’s top experts on the bioactive properties of herbs and natural products. When I consulted her about Ikarians’ longevity, she told me that many of the teas they consume are traditional Greek remedies. Wild mint fights gingivitis and gastrointestinal disorders; rosemary is used as a remedy for gout; artemisia is thought to improve blood circulation. She invited me to give her samples and later tested seven of the most commonly used herbs on Ikaria. As rich sources of polyphenols, they showed strong antioxidant properties, she reported. Most of these herbs also contained mild diuretics. Doctors often use diuretics to treat hypertension — perhaps by drinking tea nightly, Ikarians have gently lowered their blood pressure throughout their lives.

Meanwhile, my colleagues Gianni Pes and Michel Poulain set out to track down the island’s 164 residents who were over 90 as of 1999, starting in the municipality of Raches. They found that 75 nonagenarians were still alive. Then, along with additional researchers, they fanned out across the island and asked 35 elderly subjects a battery of lifestyle questions to assess physical and cognitive functioning: How much do you sleep? Did you ever smoke? They asked them to get up and down from a chair five times and recorded how long it took them to walk 13 feet. To test mental agility, the researchers had subjects recall a series of items and reproduce geometric shapes.

Pes and Poulain were joined in the field by Dr. Antonia Trichopoulou of the University of Athens, an expert on the Mediterranean diet. She helped administer surveys, often sitting in village kitchens to ask subjects to reconstruct their childhood eating habits. She noted that the Ikarians’ diet, like that of others around the Mediterranean, was rich in olive oil and vegetables, low in dairy (except goat’s milk) and meat products, and also included moderate amounts of alcohol. It emphasized homegrown potatoes, beans (garbanzo, black-eyed peas and lentils), wild greens and locally produced goat milk and honey.

As I knew from my studies in other places with high numbers of very old people, every one of the Ikarians’ dietary tendencies had been linked to increased life spans: low intake of saturated fats from meat and dairy was associated with lower risk of heart disease; olive oil — especially unheated — reduced bad cholesterol and raised good cholesterol. Goat’s milk contained serotonin-boosting tryptophan and was easily digestible for older people. Some wild greens had 10 times as many antioxidants as red wine. Wine — in moderation — had been shown to be good for you if consumed as part of a Mediterranean diet, because it prompts the body to absorb more flavonoids, a type of antioxidant. And coffee, once said to stunt growth, was now associated with lower rates of diabetes, heart disease and, for some, Parkinson’s. Local sourdough bread might actually reduce a meal’s glycemic load. You could even argue that potatoes contributed heart-healthy potassium, vitamin B6 and fiber to the Ikarian diet. Another health factor at work might be the unprocessed nature of the food they consume: as Trichopoulou observed, because islanders eat greens from their gardens and fields, they consume fewer pesticides and more nutrients. She estimated that the Ikarian diet, compared with the standard American diet, might yield up to four additional years of life expectancy.

Of course, it may not be only what they’re eating; it may also be what they’re not eating. “Are they doing something positive, or is it the absence of something negative?” Gary Taubes asked when I described to him the Ikarians’ longevity and their diet. Taubes is a founder of the nonprofit Nutrition Science Initiative and the author of “Why We Get Fat” (and has written several articles for this magazine). “One explanation why they live so long is they eat a plant-based diet. Or it could be the absence of sugar and white flour. From what I know of the Greek diet, they eat very little refined sugar, and their breads have been traditionally made with stone-ground wheat.”
Following the report by Pes and Poulain, Dr. Christina Chrysohoou, a cardiologist at the University of Athens School of Medicine, teamed up with half a dozen scientists to organize the Ikaria Study, which includes a survey of the diet of 673 Ikarians. She found that her subjects consumed about six times as many beans a day as Americans, ate fish twice a week and meat five times a month, drank on average two to three cups of coffee a day and took in about a quarter as much refined sugar — the elderly did not like soda. She also discovered they were consuming high levels of olive oil along with two to four glasses of wine a day.

Chrysohoou also suspected that Ikarians’ sleep and sex habits might have something to do with their long life. She cited a 2008 paper by the University of Athens Medical School and the Harvard School of Public Health that studied more than 23,000 Greek adults. The researchers followed subjects for an average of six years, measuring their diets, physical activity and how much they napped. They found that occasional napping was associated with a 12 percent reduction in the risk of coronary heart disease, but that regular napping — at least three days weekly — was associated with a 37 percent reduction. She also pointed out a preliminary study of Ikarian men between 65 and 100 that included the fact that 80 percent of them claimed to have sex regularly, and a quarter of that self-reported group said they were doing so with “good duration” and “achievement.”

During our time on Ikaria, my colleagues and I stayed at Thea Parikos’s guesthouse, the social hub of western Ikaria. Local women gathered in the dining room at midmorning to gossip over tea. Late at night, after the dinner rush, tables were pushed aside and the dining room became a dance floor, with people locking arms and kick-dancing to Greek music.

Parikos cooked the way her ancestors had for centuries, giving us a chance to consume the diet we were studying. For breakfast, she served local yogurt and honey from the 90-year-old beekeeper next door. For dinner, she walked out into the fields and returned with handfuls of weedlike greens, combined them with pumpkin and baked them into savory pies. My favorite was a dish made with black-eyed peas, tomatoes, fennel tops and garlic and finished with olive oil that we dubbed Ikarian stew.

Despite her consummately Ikarian air, Parikos was actually born in Detroit to an American father and an Ikarian mother. She had attended high school, worked as a real estate agent and married in the United States. After she and her husband had their first child, she felt a “genetic craving” for Ikaria. “I was not unhappy in America,” she said. “We had good friends, we went out to dinner on the weekends, I drove a Chevrolet. But I was always in a hurry.”

When she and her family moved to Ikaria and opened the guesthouse, everything changed. She stopped shopping for most groceries, instead planting a huge garden that provided most of their fruits and vegetables. She lost weight without trying to. I asked her if she thought her simple diet was going to make her family live longer. “Yes,” she said. “But we don’t think about it that way. It’s bigger than that.”

Although unemployment is high — perhaps as high as 40 percent — most everyone has access to a family garden and livestock, Parikos told me. People who work might have several jobs. Someone involved in tourism, for example, might also be a painter or an electrician or have a store. “People are fine here because we are very self-sufficient,” she said. “We may not have money for luxuries, but we will have food on the table and still have fun with family and friends. We may not be in a hurry to get work done during the day, so we work into the night. At the end of the day, we don’t go home to sit on the couch.”

Parikos was nursing a mug of coffee. Sunlight sifted in through the window shades; the waves of the nearby Aegean could be barely heard over the din of breakfast. “Do you know there’s no word in Greek for privacy?” she declared. “When everyone knows everyone else’s business, you get a feeling of connection and security. The lack of privacy is actually good, because it puts a check on people who don’t want to be caught or who do something to embarrass their family. If your kids misbehave, your neighbor has no problem disciplining them. There is less crime, not because of good policing, but because of the risk of shaming the family. You asked me about food, and yes, we do eat better here than in America. But it’s more about how we eat. Even if it’s your lunch break from work, you relax and enjoy your meal. You enjoy the company of whoever you are with. Food here is always enjoyed in combination with conversation.”

In the United States, when it comes to improving health, people tend to focus on exercise and what we put into our mouths — organic foods, omega-3’s, micronutrients. We spend nearly $30 billion a year on vitamins and supplements alone. Yet in Ikaria and the other places like it, diet only partly explained higher life expectancy. Exercise — at least the way we think of it, as willful, dutiful, physical activity — played a small role at best.

Social structure might turn out to be more important. In Sardinia, a cultural attitude that celebrated the elderly kept them engaged in the community and in extended-family homes until they were in their 100s. Studies have linked early retirement among some workers in industrialized economies to reduced life expectancy. In Okinawa, there’s none of this artificial punctuation of life. Instead, the notion of ikigai — “the reason for which you wake up in the morning” — suffuses people’s entire adult lives. It gets centenarians out of bed and out of the easy chair to teach karate, or to guide the village spiritually, or to pass down traditions to children. The Nicoyans in Costa Rica use the term plan de vida to describe a lifelong sense of purpose. As Dr. Robert Butler, the first director of the National Institute on Aging, once told me, being able to define your life meaning adds to your life expectancy.

The healthful plant-based diet that Seventh-day Adventists eat has been associated with an extra decade of life expectancy. It has also been linked to reduced rates of diabetes and heart disease. Adventists’ diet is inspired by the Bible — Genesis 1:29. (“And God said: ‘Behold, I have given you every herb yielding seed . . . and every tree, in which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed; to you it shall be for food.’ ”) But again, the key insight might be more about social structure than about the diet itself. While for most people, diets eventually fail, the Adventists eat the way they do for decades. How? Adventists hang out with other Adventists. When you go to an Adventist picnic, there’s no steak grilling on the barbecue; it’s a vegetarian potluck. No one is drinking alcohol or smoking. As Nicholas Christakis, a physician and social scientist at Harvard, found when examining data from a long-term study of the residents of Framingham, Mass., health habits can be as contagious as a cold virus. By his calculation, a Framingham individual’s chances of becoming obese shot up by 57 percent if a friend became obese. Among the Adventists we looked at, it was mostly positive social contagions that were in circulation.

Ask the very old on Ikaria how they managed to live past 90, and they’ll usually talk about the clean air and the wine. Or, as one 101-year-old woman put it to me with a shrug, “We just forget to die.” The reality is they have no idea how they got to be so old. And neither do we. To answer that question would require carefully tracking the lifestyles of a study group and a control group for an entire human lifetime (and then some). We do know from reliable data that people on Ikaria are outliving those on surrounding islands (a control group, of sorts). Samos, for instance, is just eight miles away. People there with the same genetic background eat yogurt, drink wine, breathe the same air, fish from the same sea as their neighbors on Ikaria. But people on Samos tend to live no longer than average Greeks. This is what makes the Ikarian formula so tantalizing.

If you pay careful attention to the way Ikarians have lived their lives, it appears that a dozen subtly powerful, mutually enhancing and pervasive factors are at work. It’s easy to get enough rest if no one else wakes up early and the village goes dead during afternoon naptime. It helps that the cheapest, most accessible foods are also the most healthful — and that your ancestors have spent centuries developing ways to make them taste good. It’s hard to get through the day in Ikaria without walking up 20 hills. You’re not likely to ever feel the existential pain of not belonging or even the simple stress of arriving late. Your community makes sure you’ll always have something to eat, but peer pressure will get you to contribute something too. You’re going to grow a garden, because that’s what your parents did, and that’s what your neighbors are doing. You’re less likely to be a victim of crime because everyone at once is a busybody and feels as if he’s being watched. At day’s end, you’ll share a cup of the seasonal herbal tea with your neighbor because that’s what he’s serving. Several glasses of wine may follow the tea, but you’ll drink them in the company of good friends. On Sunday, you’ll attend church, and you’ll fast before Orthodox feast days. Even if you’re antisocial, you’ll never be entirely alone. Your neighbors will cajole you out of your house for the village festival to eat your portion of goat meat.

Every one of these factors can be tied to longevity. That’s what the $70 billion diet industry and $20 billion health-club industry do in their efforts to persuade us that if we eat the right food or do the right workout, we’ll be healthier, lose weight and live longer. But these strategies rarely work. Not because they’re wrong-minded: it’s a good idea for people to do any of these healthful activities. The problem is, it’s difficult to change individual behaviors when community behaviors stay the same. In the United States, you can’t go to a movie, walk through the airport or buy cough medicine without being routed through a gantlet of candy bars, salty snacks and sugar-sweetened beverages. The processed-food industry spends more than $4 billion a year tempting us to eat. How do you combat that? Discipline is a good thing, but discipline is a muscle that fatigues. Sooner or later, most people cave in to relentless temptation.

As our access to calories has increased, we’ve decreased the amount of physical activity in our lives. In 1970, about 40 percent of all children in the U.S. walked to school; now fewer than 12 percent do. Our grandparents, without exercising, burned up about five times as many calories a day in physical activity as we do. At the same time, access to food has exploded.

Despite the island’s relative isolation, its tortuous roads and the fierce independence of its inhabitants, the American food culture, among other forces, is beginning to take root in Ikaria. Village markets are now selling potato chips and soda, which in my experience is replacing tea as the drink of choice among younger Ikarians. As the island’s ancient traditions give way before globalization, the gap between Ikarian life spans and those of the rest of the world seems to be gradually disappearing, as the next generations of old people become less likely to live quite so long.

The big aha for me, having studied populations of the long-lived for nearly a decade, is how the factors that encourage longevity reinforce one another over the long term. For people to adopt a healthful lifestyle, I have become convinced, they need to live in an ecosystem, so to speak, that makes it possible. As soon as you take culture, belonging, purpose or religion out of the picture, the foundation for long healthy lives collapses. The power of such an environment lies in the mutually reinforcing relationships among lots of small nudges and default choices. There’s no silver bullet to keep death and the diseases of old age at bay. If there’s anything close to a secret, it’s silver buckshot.

I called Moraitis a few weeks ago from my home in Minneapolis. Elpiniki died in the spring at age 85, and now he lives alone. He picked up the phone in the same whitewashed house that he’d moved into 35 years ago. It was late afternoon in Ikaria. He had worked in his vineyard that morning and just awakened from a nap. We chatted for a few minutes, but then he warned me that some of his neighbors were coming over for a drink in a few minutes and he’d have to go. I had one last question for him. How does he think he recovered from lung cancer?

“It just went away,” he said. “I actually went back to America about 25 years after moving here to see if the doctors could explain it to me.”

I had heard this part of the story before. It had become a piece of the folklore of Ikaria, proof of its exceptional way of life. Still, I asked him, “What happened?”

“My doctors were all dead.”

This article is adapted from new material being published in the second edition of “Blue Zones,” by Dan Buettner, out next month from National Geographic.

Editor: Dean Robinson 

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:
 Correction: October 28, 2012
An article on Page 36 this weekend about the reasons people on the Greek Island of Ikaria live long lives misstates the period when fasting is practiced by the island’s inhabitants. They fast before Orthodox feast days, not during Orthodox feast days.                       

A version of this article appeared in print on October 28, 2012, on page MM36 of the Sunday Magazine with the headline: The Enchanted Island Of Centenarians.